farther, that our Privileges in Trade will no doubt be very gloriously adjusted and fecured, when one Power, who is our worst Enemy, and two others, who are our most dangerous Rivals, are made the Arbitrators. BUT, to conclude; if it is really true, that the Emperor and the King of Spain did enter into all, or any of thefe dangerous Engagements, I could wish to fee them formal ly renounced and annihilated; for I still think that a folemn Caffation of the Treaties of Vienna, would secure these our most important Interefts more effectually than is done by the fore mentioned Articles, which leave them upon the precarious Foot of former Treaties, which we have already found ineffectual to thefe Ends. FOR, when different Interpretations have been put upon the fame Treaties by different Powers; when Objections have been started on both Sides; when contrary Claims and Pretenfions have been made, and embroiled Europe for feveral Years; what other effectual Method can be used to fecure us against the Like Difputes and Disturbances for the future, than finally to adjust the Senfe of fuch Treaties, and confirm the refpective Rights, Privileges and Poffeffions of the Powers concerned, in the plainest, most direct and explicite Manner? AND if the Powers, with whom we are concerned, do really understand thefe Articles in the fame Senfe, which the Pamphle E teer teer hath put upon them, why should they refufe to make us eaty by a particular Explanation? Or, if they do actually refuse this, is there any Room to doubt, that they have fome Realons for preferring dark and ambiguous Terms? BUT it may be objected, fays the Pamphleteer, that I have mifpent my Time and Labour, in endeavouring to filence the Clamours which have been raised against that particular Form of a Peace, which hath been the Object of our late Negotiations, Since it does not appear that the King of Spain is difpofed to accept even of thefe Terms. Why truly that is a very material Objection, and may arife perhaps from a determined Refolution, not to come to any Terms with us, after what hath passed, without obtaining his favourite Ends. He tells us indeed, but two Lines before, in his ufual felf-contradicting Stile, that none of the Powers concerned have hitherto given juft Caufe to conclude that they will reject it. Now methinks where there is an apparent Difpofition not to accept, there is fome Caufe to conclude that they will reject it; but whatever Reafons there may be against it abroad, I am fure there are many at Home. Ir is, at best, by his own Confeffion, only a Plan or a Project which is not yet accepted. But let us fuppofe it accepted, for Argument fake. Nay, let us go farther, and for Argument fake likewile, fuppofe it to be a good a good one; the Queftion will fill return, Whether we have taken the forteft, the leaft dangerous, or the leaft expenfive Methods to accomplish it. But to glory in Meafures, which have not fucceeded, whether commendable or not, and have only a bare Probability of Succefs, is certainly very extraordinary. LASTLY, Let us examine this Affair with respect to the Time we have been abour it. The Pamphleteer indeed fays, and feems to triumph upon it, that this PROGRESS towards the Establishment of a general Peace hath been made in a few Months, after the opening of the Congress. But how much Time, as well as Money, did we fpend in Expeditions, Embafies, Negotiations, Preliminaries and Ratifications before the Congress was opened? Nay, though we date the prefent Disturbances but three Years back, it is certain that we have not been in a State of perfect Amity, and free Commerce with Spain for above these seven Years past. But by the great Sagacity and Penetration of certain Gentlemen (to fay nothing of fecret Service Money) we have at laft (according to this Writer) fome Hopes of being, one Time or another, in almoft as good a Condition as we were in, before our Affairs were thus embroiled. THIS puts me in Mind of Sir Epicure Mammon, in the Alchymift, who when he had spent his whole Eftate in search of the Philofopher's Stone, was comforted after after all his Coft, though difappointed of his main End, with the hopes of a little fomething to cure the Itch. He tells us, at the Conclufion, that this Nation never acted a Part more fuitable to its DIGNITY and CHARACTER; and that to the Firmness and Fidelity of our Allies, and to these Measures we owe our PRESENT TRANQUILITY. I fhall fay nothing of that glorious Part, which we have been lately acting, nor of the Firmness and Fidelity of our Allies. I neither know what they engaged to do, nor what they have actually done for us. But to boast of the prefent Tranquility, when we are at best only in a State of Political Purgatory between Peace and War, when our Ships are every Week taken, as in time of War; when we are at all the Expences and under almoft all the Inconveniencies of a War; to talk and boaft of Tranquility, I fay, at fuch a Time, muft either be an egregious Banter on the Miniftry, or an Infult on the Nation; and let the Pamphleteer take his Choice. I HAVE but one Thing more to mention, before I conclude, which is that the Author of this wretched Pamphlet hath the Infolence to make the Regal Character fubfervient to his Defigns. Whatever Measures, or whatever Conduct he finds it neceffary to approve, are the King's Measures, and the King's Conduct. This is a mean Artifice, which hath been conftantly practiced of late, by thele Men, when other Arguments are wanting. But I hope it will not put a Stop to your Enquiries; for every Englishman hath a Right, by our Laws, to judge and debate thefe Affairs; and I am fure his Majefty will abhor the Thoughts of abridging this Liberty, though weak and wicked Men endeavour to fcreen themselves under the Protection of his facred Name. I am, SIR, G W. RALEIGH, |